What the church had done in the past, he suggested, the church may do again. Other scholars, before and after Vagaggini, have reached similar conclusions, but the current document only refers to the debate and strenuously avoids concluding that women ever received the sacrament of holy orders (Zagano, 2003)
"For I have not spoken on my own authority; the Father who sent me has Himself given me commandment what to say and what to speak" (John 12:49). (S.J.Gerald O'Collins, S
Jesus also explained his purpose in light of the kingdom: "I must proclaim the good news of the kingdom of God to the other cities also; for I was sent for this purpose" (Luke 4:43). (Joseph Epiphane Darras, Charles Ignatius White
S. focused almost exclusively on economic issues, such as state welfare expenditures or highway construction, and sought to test the relative importance of economic and political factors in explaining variations in public policy (Asher & Van Meter, 1973)
Although abortion had not yet become a political issue in 1965, it was defined as an unspeakable crime in the Pastoral Constitution, one of the documents written during Vatican II: For God, the Lord of Life, has conferred on men the surpassing ministry of safeguarding life- a ministry which must be fulfilled in a manner worthy of man. Therefore, from the moment of its conception, life must be guarded with the greatest of care, while abortion and infanticide are unspeakable crimes (Benestad & Butler, 1981, p
Indeed, the percentage of respondents who do not express an opinion on abortion questions in national surveys is very small. There is strong evidence that once voters realized that state officeholders could affect abortion policy after Webster, abortion became an issue affecting vote choice in these elections (Cook, Hartwig, & Wilcox, 1992; Cook, Jelen, & Wilcox, 1994)
is significantly influenced against such influence by current liberal media organizations, and government officials. In America, the two parties' national platforms indeed have offered contrasting ProChoice and Pro-Life positions since 1980 (Daynes & Tatalovich, 1992)
Morality policies generally are not complex, allowing a wide range of citizens to participate (Gormley, 1986). Moreover, religious institutions frequently mobilize their members in an effort to influence morality policy (Fairbanks, 1977)
In terms of the wider context of public opinion, it articulated a popular desire for more privacy (Westin, 1967). By grounding the concept of privacy in the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment, Griswold provided the legal precedent for future civil rights litigation (Faux, 1989)
By grounding the concept of privacy in the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment, Griswold provided the legal precedent for future civil rights litigation (Faux, 1989). Abortion policy thus became embedded in the "rights rhetoric" that characterizes mainstream American popular thought (Glendon, 1991)
More recently, however, attention has turned to diversity in morality policy, such as the regulation of drugs, alcohol, and sexual conduct. Morality policy has several distinctive characteristics: the issues are not complex technically, they are highly salient to the public, and the policy debates evoke a wide variety of citizen participation (Gormley, 1986)
Schattschneider's paradigm of power, in which competing forces attempt either to narrow or to widen the scope of the conflict for political gain, supports the interpretation of discourse as a political weapon that groups use first to shape the way policy issues are understood, second to discredit their opponents, and third to bring about change. (Nossiff, 1998) As the abortion debate developed in the 1960s, several "discourse coalitions" organized, which is defined as different groups which share a world view about an issue and act on it to shape policy outcomes (Hajer, 1993)
Reproductive Health Services gave stales an ambiguous authority to regulate access to legal abortions. This ruling seemed to invite states to experiment with restrictions on abortion, and several states and territories quickly accepted that invitation (Halva-Neubauer, 1993)
. commitment to work with other social institutions in shaping the common good of the society," (Himes and Himes) with a focus on the poor, marginalized and oppressed
Morality policy has several distinctive characteristics: the issues are not complex technically, they are highly salient to the public, and the policy debates evoke a wide variety of citizen participation (Gormley, 1986). Moreover, compromise is more difficult to achieve in morality than economic policy (Lowi, 1988)
The Church might socialize individual Catholics, who might then in turn influence the attitudes of non-Catholics with whom they are personally acquainted (Sprague, 1982). In this contextual argument, Catholicism occasions pro-life attitudes beyond its own membership, via a kind of "ripple effect" of public discourse (Noelle-Neumann, 1984)
The Constitution speaks of the church in many areas, but the two most important section where those relating to derecho a la libertad religiosa (the right to religious liberty) and derecho a la educaci n (the right to education). Under the new Constitution, as opposed to Franco's Constitution (Leyes Fundamentales), Catholicism was not to be the state imposed religion
Unlike the United States, abortion is not regarded as a fundamental right in any European country (Glendon, 1987; Tribe, 1989). In some nations, such as Ireland and Spain, abortion has been regulated rather strictly and has been difficult to obtain legally (Randall, 1986; Tribe, 1989)
The Catholic Church could have both individual and systematic effects on abortion attitudes, by defining the terms of debate. The Church might socialize individual Catholics, who might then in turn influence the attitudes of non-Catholics with whom they are personally acquainted (Sprague, 1982)
All of these factors also apply to the abortion case. Interest groups have organized around the strictly Pro-Life and Pro-Choice positions (Tribe, 1990), but a majority of Americans take a more nuanced view that supports abortion under some but not all circumstances (Cook et al