There were a number of times when Seale got arrested; the most severe were the times when he got arrested because of the riots that were being held in 1968 in the wake of the Democratic National Convention (David and Cole, 1993). Forbes (2006) points out that one of the original Chicago 8 in this particular case was Seale however, he was a very last minute replacement as, he came in place of Eldridge Clever; later on, while Seale was cut from the case, he still spent 4-year in prison for his outbursts and contempt (Forbes, 2006)
We chose Jones' book for this paper because all the essays that were written by the previous Black Panther Party members as well as the essays that were written by the historical scholars are accurately presented in Jones's book. Furthermore, various characteristics of the Black Panther Party through and past its active days have been included in the book by Jones himself (Jones 1998)
In this book it has been explained how Huey Newton came across Bobby Seale in California at the Merit College and how they ultimately left Black Student Union so that they could start Black Panthers. The significant incidents at the time of the existence of Black Panther have been noted by him and he has concluded his theories regarding the end of the panther party and the circumstances which led to it (Pearson, 1994)
S. government, and fought to establish revolutionary socialism through mass organizing and community-based programs" (Baggins 3)
In 1989, Huey Newton was killed during a drug deal in Oakland but Bobby Seale went on to a successful career in lecturing and even a brief period as a highly acclaimed barbecue rib chef (Washington 25). Since its formal dissolution in 1982 due to disagreements between the co-founders that some say were caused by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (Cleaver 6), there has been a serious reappraisal of the contributions of the Black Panther Party to American society
The Black Panther Party was not the only organization that did it, but it was the only organization based in ghetto communities that did it." (cited in Potorti 44) At its high point, the BPP was feeding more than a quarter million children free breakfasts every school day across the country (O'Boyle & Plouffe 2)
These two demands in particular, though, were viewed with growing alarm by a mainstream American society that was already alarmed at the growing militancy of blacks demanding equitable treatment. This growing alarm was only heightened further by some of the more aggressive tactics that were used by the BPP to further their goals, including "policing the police" wherein armed members of the organization would follow police officers to ensure they did not abuse or harass blacks (Potorti 44)
This growing alarm was only heightened further by some of the more aggressive tactics that were used by the BPP to further their goals, including "policing the police" wherein armed members of the organization would follow police officers to ensure they did not abuse or harass blacks (Potorti 44). Although the BPP steadily grew in size and influence through the 1960s, the organization's fate was jeopardized by internal dissension and continuing attacks from external sources and by the early 1970s, membership began to falter (Washington 25)
government, and fought to establish revolutionary socialism through mass organizing and community-based programs" (Baggins 3). Over time, the Black Panther Party grew to include around 5,000 members in 40 chapters across the country that were actively involved in the distribution of information and the administration of community-based programs (Zulu 197)